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The February 11 2007 Pentagon briefing against Iran is another lowlight in how the US Administration is now no longer even making an effort in trying to convince the world; it is going through the motions of disinformation, to get its war.
In the list of how to stage disinformation campaigns, the February 11 briefing on how Iran is responsible for smuggling in weapons into Iraq must be seen as another low. Whereas with Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction some effort was made to create a report, though largely copy and pasting from a student’s thesis, the Bush Administration seem so intent on bombing Iran, that no effort has been made to convince anyone; they are going through the motions. The announcement was just days after a federal judge ruled that a CIA agent identified only as "Doe”, who was allegedly fired after he gathered pre-war intelligence showing that Iraq was not developing weapons of mass destruction, can proceed with his lawsuit against the CIA. The day before the Iran briefing, the US Department of Defense itself stated that a special Pentagon office created in the run-up to the Iraq war engaged in "inappropriate" activities by providing misleading intelligence to policymakers. The very next day, it all got repeated. Back in 2002, Bush could rely on Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Doug Feith and his Office of Special Plans – the group exposed by the Pentagon's own inspector general, who told Congress that Feith had made up most of what his rogue intelligence unit had created. There was I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, based in Vice President Dick Cheney's office, to carry out a co-ordinated effort to distribute these lies to the media. Libby’s trial, which is coinciding with the propaganda against Iran, is exposing how deep the seeding of disinformation went and how closely a man like the Vice President was involved. This will not come as a surprise, but perhaps we should not see it as so self-evident that Vice-Presidential office is involved and used in this manner. Since January, the Democrats have held more than four dozen hearings to investigate the White House's Middle East policy and 2008 presidential candidate Hillary Clinton is warning that Bush keeps out of Iran, stating: "It would be a mistake of historical proportions if the administration thought that the 2002 resolution authorizing force against Iraq was a blank check for the use of force against Iran." It seems, the administration is not listening. How bad the February 11 Iran briefing was, is highlighted by the somewhat underreported facts that this “press conference” was one where cameras were not allowed to film and no statements were allowed to be recorded. The attending journalists furthermore had to agree the identity of the three briefing officers had to remain anonymous. There was hence no accountability whatsoever, there was 100% plausible deniability from a legal perspective and once again there was a media overeager to report “as is”, without providing the context and the likelihood they were being used to instil fear and fall for lies. One commentator wondered what would have happened if Adlai Stevenson had gotten up at the United Nations during the Cuban Missile Crisis and, rather than showing detailed U-2 photographs of missile emplacements, had simply announced, "Ladies and gentleman, some Cuban guy we talked to said the Russians are putting missiles in Cuba." For the Associated Press, The New York Times, the BBC, Reuters and others to agree beforehand to the condition that none of the three US officials taking part could not be named or even described closely has made a mockery of such press conferences. The anonymous briefings, so well-practiced in the corridors of Washington and London, have now mushroomed into parody, in which they are now used within the context of war. The Times afterwards made some effort to explain itself, stating "During the briefing, that the senior United States military officials were repeatedly pressed on why they insisted on anonymity in such an important matter affecting the security of American and Iraqi troops." The following morning, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman asked "Why wasn’t any official willing to take personal responsibility for the reliability of alleged evidence of Iranian mischief, as opposed to being an anonymous source? If the evidence is solid enough to bear close scrutiny, why were all cameras and recording devices, including cellphones, banned from yesterday’s Baghdad briefing?" Worse is that the three specialists were not even introduced with their exact job description; they could literally be a toilet janitor. The New York Times' James Glanz, attending the briefing, noted: "Today’s presentation of evidence is bound to generate skepticism […]." One of the few outlets to break their “oath of allegiance” was an Iraqi news service, Voices of Iraq, who claimed that one of the three speakers was Major General William Caldwell, who is actually the official government spokesman for the US led Multi-National Force in Iraq. Why would an official spokesman require anonymity – other than legal plausible deniability? So what was “the evidence”? The reporters present noted that "On two tables in a briefing room in Baghdad, military officials laid out tubular rocket propelled grenades, football-shaped mortars, a cylindrical EFP, and about 40 tail fins of exploded mortars, which they say are manufactured in Iran – just a 'smattering' of the examples they have found in Iraq, said the defense analyst. Iran is the only country in the region that produces these weapons, the officials said." Only Powerpoint presentations were made available for reporters to present “the evidence” to the world and hence no independent verification can be made of this evidence. As early as October 16, 2005, the British The Independent on Sunday wrote how “Terror devices used by the IRA in a vicious murder campaign in Ulster [Northern Ireland] blew up British servicemen as the world blamed Iran.” At the time, eight British soldiers were killed during ambushes in Iraq. They died after being attacked with bombs triggered by infra-red beams. The bombs were developed by the IRA using technology passed on by the security services in a botched "sting" operation more than a decade ago. But rather than follow this trail, the British government simply claimed that Iran's Revolutionary Guard had been helping Shiite insurgents to make the devices. But the newspaper went further and revealed that the bombs and the firing devices used to kill the soldiers, as well as two private security guards, were initially created by the UK security services as part of a counter-terrorism strategy at the height of the troubles in the early 1990s. So how did they find their way into Iraq? Or if indeed Iran was behind it, to Iran? Similar doubts have been cast over the new evidence. Some have argued that the 81mm mortar shell offered up as evidence was an obvious ruse, as the date on the shell did not use the Muslim calendar and other markings are in English when it only makes sense they would appear in Persian script if Iranian fabricated. Perhaps. But it was then claimed that Iran does not manufacture 81mm mortar shells. According to a report offered by the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University, the smallest mortar produced by Iran is the 107mm M-30. This center is one of the most authoritative sources on the subject, and whereas Iran could of course produce smaller mortar shells than they know of, on balance – on the available evidence – it appears the presented evidence is hence not of Iranian origin. It thus appears that the briefing is lie and the demand of anonymity is hence perfectly understandable. Some “supporting evidence” for the US claims was a website, waved around to “prove” that Iran did make 81 mm mortar shells. Sceptics wondered why, if this was an Iranian site, this site looked so “unIranian”? The soldiers didn’t look Iranian and why did an Iranian company put together a webpage where their own country was obscured from view on that world map? On the contact page, Tehran was even spelled "Tahran". Was this web page assembled in a rush? Was it fake? What to think of the fact that directories and images on the server were all in English? But most bizarrely, the phone numbers on the contact page are all 7 digit numbers though in July of 2005, Iran switched over to an 8-digit phone system. (It should be noted that the page does not appear to be updated after 2005 though.) But most intriguingly, the IP was traced back to a university, not a business. No wonder therefore that not everyone within the American camp is convinced by this display or supports the tactic. According to The Washington Times, the effort to blame Iran was directly torpedoed by the US intelligence community, through the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. The ODNI, said the Times, "sought to play down the intelligence on Iranian involvement, fearing that the report will be used as a basis to launch an attack on Iran" – as was the case with Iraq. Many earlier reports noted that both the State Department and the US intelligence community were strongly opposed to any attempt to demonize Iran. It was no less a man than Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Peter Pace who stated that he too has not seen evidence that the Iranian government “clearly knows or is complicit” in the weapons smuggling. For not only were we asked to believe that this evidence was Iranian, but that the highest circles of the Iranian government were aware of the “fact” that Iranian missiles were finding their way into Iraq, to be used against Western troops. And it is here that the Administration played its only ace left: the attack against Iran will be because they are killing “our boys” and they thus hope that our soldiers – “who are doing an excellent job” – need to be protected from these Iranian incursions. In short, we need to bomb Iran, to defend our troops. Three days later, on February 14, President Bush held his first press conference of the year, stating that he was certain that the Iranian government was supplying Iraqi fighters with weapons, but said he could not prove the orders came from the highest level in Tehran. Bush: “What we do know is that the Quds force was instrumental in providing these deadly IEDs to networks inside of Iraq. We know that. And we also know that the Quds force is a part of the Iranian government. That's a known. What we don't know is whether or not the head leaders of Iran ordered the Quds force to do what they did.” After Pace expressing his doubts, Bush obviously could not blankly accuse the Iranian government, so watered the accusation down. Still, he was pressed on the issue, replying: “Either they knew or didn't know, and what matters is, is that they're there. What's worse, that the government knew or that the government didn't know? ... What's worse, them ordering it and it happening, or them not ordering it and it happening?” With his usual smirk that indeed it did not matter whether the Iranian government was behind it or not, he in essence stated that he could also bomb them because they were ignorant of such attacks being carried out. With such obvious logic, should Bush bomb himself for not being aware of 9/11? Indeed, what matters “is that they’re there”… so Bush can attack them. Valentine’s Day was also the start of a large campaign whereby Iraqi and foreign soldiers would seal the Iraqi border for three days, “in a bid to stop militants slipping into the country to launch terror attacks in Baghdad.” After these three days, the border crossings will be more heavily guarded and on occasion temporarily closed. The question which needs to be asked is whether a person or a group of “Iranian fighters” will be arrested, or whether there may even be a – staged? – incident in which such fighters will be arrested, or a shoot-out – in which “our boys” might be killed – will occur. If this is going to be the case, the US Administration will have its excuse to go to war with Iran. This is also the opinion of Hillary Mann, a former top Bush administration official for Persian Gulf affairs: "They're trying to push a provocative, accidental conflict," Mann said. She added that the US Administration also hopes to goad Iran into an overreaction so that it can have justification to carry out "limited strikes" against nuclear infrastructure and Revolutionary Guards headquarters buildings in Iran. But if Iran were to remain calm, it is clear a border incident might need to be staged, which will prove the validity of the February 11 press conference. |